Republicans are nullifying vacancies on a
key law-making court so they can subvert the law. They must be stopped
Brian Beutler
|
Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa,
on Capitol Hill in Washington,
Monday, May 20, 2013. (Credit: AP/J. Scott Applewhite) |
When last we
checked in,
Senate Republicans were vowing to effectively nullify three vacant
seats on the ultra-powerful D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals by denying
confirmation to all of President Obama’s nominees — to prevent Obama
from giving the court a more liberal balance.
These filibuster
threats were disconnected from all juridical merits. They were instead
the tactical core of a subversive plan to preserve the conservative
status quo on a court that will settle a tremendous amount of
administrative law between now and the end of Obama’s presidency. Put
another way, Republicans were threatening to use the Senate’s filibuster
rules to improve the statistical odds that the court will upend Obama
administration regulations — to unilaterally change law from their
minority position in the Senate.
Democrats were obviously unhappy
about this, and began threatening — once again — to nuke the
supermajority cloture rule, this time as it pertains to judicial
nominees.
A week and a half later, Republicans have successfully
filibustered two D.C. Circuit Court nominees, and are promising a hat
trick. They seem inclined to call the Democrats’ bluff, and are using
political psy-ops as a kind of deterrent against the threat that Dems
will go nuclear.
But the nullification strategy is radical, and
entirely new. It transgresses the semi-stable norms — regarding
professional qualification and ideological temperament — that had
previously governed which nominees were subject to rejection by the
minority. And so the persuasive power of GOP threats are self-limiting.
“Be
careful what you wish for,” Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, the senior
Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, said on the Senate floor
Tuesday. “[I]f the Democrats are bent on changing the rules, then I say
go ahead. There are a lot more Scalias and Thomases out there that we’d
love to put on the bench. The nominees we would nominate and confirm
with 51 votes will interpret the Constitution as it was written. They
are not the type who would invent constitutional law right out of thin
air.”
This is a bizarre warning. If Democrats change the rules,
then future Republican presidents will flood the judiciary with …
precisely the kind of conservative jurists they’ve been nominating and
getting confirmed for years and years.
When Clarence Thomas was confirmed, Democrats held the majority in the Senate.
It’s not just that there was no filibuster. Democrats controlled the
chamber and allowed the minority to confirm him with an up or down vote.
Most Dems voted no, but he was confirmed 52-48. On Tuesday, Cornelia
Pillard got 56 votes in the Senate, more than Thomas but four short of
the 60 required to overcome a filibuster.
Republicans controlled
the Senate when Ronald Reagan nominated Antonin Scalia, but not only did
Democrats decline to filibuster him, he was confirmed unanimously.
Things
had become significantly more polarized and contentious by the time
George W. Bush became president, but his two Supreme Court nominees (not
counting Harriet Miers, an outlier whom Republicans sank on their own)
were both confirmed pretty easily. John Roberts on a 78-22 vote, facing
no filibuster; Sam Alito by a vote of 58-42 after a bunch of Democrats
helped the GOP break a symbolic filibuster. At no point in George W.
Bush’s presidency did Democrats try to moot court vacancies by refusing
to confirm a category of nominees, or accuse Bush of court packing
simply by trying to fill those vacancies.
But that’s where we are today.
It’s
true that the elimination of the judicial filibuster would allow a
future Republican president to fill vacancies more expeditiously. But it
would give Obama the same power.
For Grassley’s threat to have
any teeth, he’d need to warn Democrats that Republicans will confirm
hyper-radicals whom they’ve been too timid to nominate in the past, or
would unilaterally add seats to appellate courts and pack them with
right-wing judges. But that would be crazy.
Alternatively,
Republicans could just agree to confirm some of Obama’s judges. I think
Democrats would probably drop the nuclear threat if Republicans cleared
two of Obama’s three D.C. circuit nominees. Maybe Republicans could
secure the confirmation of a third, more conservative judge, or get the
remaining seat on the court eliminated legislatively.
But their
current position — daring Dems to go all the way nuclear or cave
completely — gives Dems almost no choice but to pull the trigger. If
Republicans had meritorious objections to any of these nominees, the
nuclear threat would be a disproportional escalation. Obama could find
other judges. What they’re doing instead is a judicial replay of their
unacceptable bid to unilaterally gut Wall Street’s consumer watchdog
office and void the National Labor Relations Board. Democrats didn’t
stand for that, and won. Republicans caved and confirmed several waylaid
executive branch nominees over the course of just a few days. They
should run the same play again. And if Republicans don’t fold, they
should go nuclear.
Sen. Pat Leahy, D-Vt., chairman of the Judiciary Committee, is on the same page.
“I think we’re at the point where there will have to be a rules change.”
Brian Beutler is Salon's political writer. Email him at bbeutler@salon.com and follow him on Twitter at
@brianbeutler.
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