First on CNN: Republicans moving to overhaul 2016 primary process
updated 12:44 AM EST, Wed December 11, 2013
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- RNC plan would condense primary calendar and punish states that upend voting order
- Proposal would also move party's convention to late June instead of August as in 2012
- Group has yet to come up with debate plan, but most say there were too many in last cycle
In a series of
closed-door meetings since August, handpicked members of the Republican
National Committee have been meeting with party Chairman Reince Priebus
in Washington to hash out details of a sweeping plan to condense the
nominating calendar, severely punish primary and caucus states that
upend the agreed-upon voting order and potentially move the party's
national convention to earlier in the summer, with late June emerging as
the ideal target date.
No party convention has
been held that early since the steamy summer of 1948, when Republicans
nominated Thomas Dewey as their standard bearer in Philadelphia.
The 17-member special
rules subcommittee tasked with reforming the nominating process,
appointed with little fanfare at the RNC's summer meeting in Boston, is
also considering ways to limit the number of Republican primary debates
in 2016, though the group has yet to agree to any specific rules related
to debates. The 2012 campaign saw an eye-popping 20 Republican debates,
in addition to an array of multicandidate forums.
Priebus and other top
party figures have made no secret of their desire to scale back the
number of debates, which offered little-known candidates such as Michele
Bachmann and Herman Cain a chance to shine but forced Mitt Romney, the
eventual nominee, to publicly stake out a number of conservative
positions that came back to haunt him in the general election.
Fewer debates, more control
One proposal being
weighed by the RNC members would involve sanctioning a small handful of
debates while penalizing candidates who participate in any nonsanctioned
GOP debate by stripping them of one-third of their delegates to the
national convention.
There is also a "heavy
appetite" to have a say over which journalists should be allowed to
moderate the debates, said one Republican familiar with the ongoing
discussions.
"There is a definitely a
consensus for Reince's objective to have less debates and have control
over how and who we have run our debates, rather than just turning it
over to X, Y or Z network and having a guy moderate who's going to just
dog you for two hours," said the Republican, who requested anonymity to
discuss the sensitive and not-yet-finalized rules changes.
Calendar changes
approved by the subcommittee must then be ratified by the RNC's Standing
Committee on Rules, a vote that could take place as early as January at
the RNC's winter meeting in Washington. If approved by the rules
committee, the full 168-member RNC must vote on the calendar changes
sometime before next summer.
The rules subcommittee
is a mixed bag of veteran party pragmatists and grassroots conservatives
who have bristled at past attempts to impose order on the primary and
caucus process. But people on the subcommittee say the discussions have
been cordial and productive -- a far cry from the internecine Republican
warfare that has come to define the party during the Obama era.
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'The grassroots have a voice'
"I think all groups are
being represented," said subcommittee member James Smack, a
libertarian-leaning supporter of Ron and Rand Paul from Nevada.
"The grassroots have a
voice in that room," he said. "The so-called establishment has a voice
in that room. And people who don't really fall into either camp have a
voice in the room. It's a friendly group. I thought it might be more
adversarial, but to be honest, everybody has had their ability to be
heard."
Among the rules amendments taking shape:
-- The first four
early-voting states -- Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Nevada --
would continue to hold their contests in February.
To prevent other states
from jumping the order and compelling the first four to move their dates
even earlier as they did in 2012, any state that attempts to hold its
nominating contest before March 1 would have their number of delegates
to the convention slashed to just nine people or, in the case of smaller
states, one-third of their delegation -- whichever number is smaller.
"It's the death
penalty," said one member of the subcommittee. If Florida violates RNC
rules and holds its primary in February, its 99-member delegation would
all but vanish.
-- Any state holding a
primary or caucus during the first two weeks of March must award its
delegates proportionally, rather than winner-take-all.
The measure is designed
to prevent a candidate from catching fire in the early states and then
riding a burst of momentum to winner-take-all victories in expensive,
delegate-rich states such as Florida or Texas. The early March window
would give underfunded, insurgent candidates a chance to prove their
mettle.
"It will allow a
grassroots candidate to stay in the race and try to raise money and
score some wins," said Smack. "If they can't score wins by that time,
they probably need to pack it in and try again four years later."
-- States holding a contest after March 15 can decide to award their delegates however they see fit.
-- The Republican
National Convention will be held either in late June or early July,
though ideally on a date before the July 4 holiday. The decision on
where to hold the convention will be made at a later date by a separate
RNC panel, but Las Vegas and Kansas City are seen as two early
frontrunners. Party officials said each city's host committee seems
willing and able to raise the nearly $60 million needed to fund a
sprawling convention.
Asked about the
proposals, RNC Communications Director Sean Spicer said the measures
"reflect the chairman's conversations with the grassroots of our party
and are intended to give the next nominee the financing and resources
necessary to win in 2016."
Would earlier convention bring better results?
Of all the changes, the
convention date is perhaps the most crucial and sought-after adjustment
in the wake of Romney's 2012 loss. For many in the party, the primary
process dragged for too long, with too many loose ends and hurt
feelings, before Romney was formally declared the nominee at the Tampa,
Florida, convention in late August.
Moving the convention to
June would have the effect of ending the primary campaign in May
because of RNC rules that require state party organizations to submit
their delegate lists to the national party at least 35 days before the
convention.
States with primaries
scheduled for June 2016, including California, New Jersey and New
Mexico, would essentially be holding nothing more than beauty contests.
Party organizations in those states would instead submit their delegate
lists to the RNC ahead of time, before any primary vote takes place,
Republicans said.
But perhaps more
importantly, subcommittee members said, an early convention date will
give the 2016 nominee a massive financial edge over what Romney had in
2012.
Handcuffed from spending
campaign funds raised for the general election until he was officially
nominated in late August, Romney was outspent by a 3-to-1 margin on the
television airwaves throughout the summer by President Barack Obama and
his allies. Democrats defined Romney early as an out-of-touch plutocrat,
and he never recovered his image.
By moving the convention
to late June, the 2016 nominee will be able to open up his or her
general election war chest a full two months earlier.
"The main thing is it
makes him or her the official nominee, and then they can spend the
general election money," said a Republican involved in the
deliberations. "That is the number one reason to move the convention, to
give the nominee the flexibility to start spending that money. It used
to be you didn't want to go early, because you would run out of money.
Now no one is taking government money, so you can go raise a gazillion
dollars. We will raise what we need to raise."
For many years, both
parties held their conventions later in the summer, a strategic decision
meant to preserve federal matching funds available to each candidate
under public financing.
But with campaigns now
awash in outside money and permissive fundraising regulations, it now
makes little sense for candidates to wait for a smaller pot of publicly
financed money.
Obama and Romney
declined federal matching funds in 2012, the first time since the
Watergate era that both major party nominees passed on public financing
in the general election.
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