Conservative groups driving GOP agenda
Now emboldened, conservative groups promise retribution for Republicans who stand in their way
By Steve Peoples and Philip Elliott, Associated Press | Associated Press
WASHINGTON (AP) -- Virtually unknown outside Washington, a coalition
of hardline conservative groups is fighting to seize control of the
Republican agenda.
Tea party allies like the Club for Growth, FreedomWorks and Heritage
Action for America showed their might by insisting that the GOP embrace
the government shutdown that hurt the nation's economy and the party's
reputation.
Now emboldened, these groups are warning that their aggressive
agenda-pushing tactics aren't over — and they're threatening retribution
against Republicans who stand in their way.
"They refuse to learn," Chris Chocola, a former Indiana congressman
who leads the Club for Growth, says of lawmakers who buck the will of
right-leaning groups. He predicts that his group will support primary
challengers to more than a dozen Republican incumbents seeking
re-election next fall.
Mainstream GOP groups — such as Karl Rove's American Crossroads or
the party's formal campaign committees — question their more
conservative counterparts' role, fed up by their outsized influence in
shaping the party's current agenda.
For decades, interest groups like the National Rifle Association have
shaped debates on single issues. But Republicans suggest that not since
the Christian Coalition of the 1990s have outside forces played such a
sweeping, integral role in guiding Republican priorities as the tea
party-led fiscal conservatives have in the ongoing budget debate.
"You have a small group in Congress that has become the surrender
caucus," argues Illinois Rep. Adam Kinzinger. "They've surrendered their
voting card to the wishes of these outside groups."
Such divisions on display between the Republican Party's pragmatic
and ideological wings — and their affiliated outside groups — carry huge
risk for the GOP heading into the 2014 midterm congressional elections.
Republicans will seek to win power in the Senate and preserve their
narrow House majority next fall.
But primaries that leave eventual nominees battered and broke for the general election could hamper that goal.
Nevertheless, tea party-aligned groups already are spending millions
of dollars calling on compromise-minded Republican lawmakers from New
Hampshire to Idaho to embrace more aggressive tactics against President
Barack Obama's agenda.
This is their message as Congress wrestles with health care
implementation, considers immigration reform and gets ready for new
rounds of debt talks: Republicans who work with the Democratic president
do so at their peril.
It appears that no Republican is too large for these groups.
The Senate Conservatives Fund — founded by tea party hero and former
South Carolina Sen. Jim DeMint — has launched television ads against
Republican leaders, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of
Kentucky, who helped craft the recent budget compromise that ended the
shutdown. It also has criticized Sen. Jeff Flake of Arizona and Sen.
Jonny Isakson of Georgia.
The Club for Growth also is targeting Oregon Rep. Greg Walden,
despite his role as leader of the campaign committee charged with
preserving the Republican House majority. The group already has launched
a website entitled, "Primary My Congressman," and so far identified 10
potential campaigns to unseat Republican incumbents.
That group and others also are spending hundreds of thousands of
dollars to support a challenge against longtime Republican Sen. Thad
Cochran, of Mississippi, in hopes of persuading him to retire. And the
Tea Party Patriots is going after Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, Sen. Mark
Kirk of Illinois and Sen. Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire.
Behind the scenes, GOP campaign officials are urging donors to fund
mainstream groups to counter the conservative outfits. These officials
are doing so even as they question the right-flank's ultimate
effectiveness, given that its groups, although vocal, typically have far
less money compared with other organizations standing with Republicans
from the establishment wing.
The most powerful Republican allies from the last election —
mainstream Republican groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
American Crossroads and its sister organization Crossroads GPS — poured
more than $212 million combined into the 2012 election. Combined, the
Club for Growth, Heritage Action and the Senate Conservatives Fund spent
$21 million.
National GOP officials are watching for signs of rifts among the
right-leaning groups, which could dilute their power. The shutdown
debate itself exposed at least one disagreement.
The Club for Growth, FreedomWorks and Heritage Action for America
defiantly insisted that any deal to end the shutdown and raise the
nation's debt ceiling must dismantle or delay Obama's health care law.
Lawmakers who didn't stand them with them risked inviting primary
challenges.
But some tea party allies like Americans for Prosperity, the group
funded by conservative billionaires Charles and David Koch, opposed the
tactics that led to the shutdown. Now that group is trying to move on,
investing $2 million in a four-state ad campaign that hammers Democrats
over the troubled health care law implementation.
"We're convinced that repealing Obamacare is long-term effort," AFP
president Tim Phillips says, explaining why it didn't sign onto the
right-flank's demands to defund the law as part of a budget compromise.
In a sign of another possible crack in the conservative coalition, a
spokesman for Heritage Action for America says that in the near future,
it likely will focus its health care criticism on Democrats, who stood
together during the shutdown debate.
"There needs to be some breaks in that unity," says Heritage
spokesman Dan Holler. "That may happen naturally, or it may need to be
forced."
But Chocola said the Club for Growth wouldn't stop pressuring
Republicans, particularly as congressional leaders begin to debate a new
budget package.
Chocola wouldn't rule out another push to link such legislation to
the president's health care law, but said his group might shift its
strategy if major shifts to entitlement programs are included.
As the possibility of a shutdown loomed large in September, the network of GOP outside groups disagreed over strategy.
Crossroads officials briefed members of Congress on internal polling
that showed the shutdown strategy deeply unpopular. Given that, the
group and its fellow mainstream Republican allies largely stayed silent,
fearing influential talk show radio hosts and aggressive conservative
activists would brand them as heretics.
Meanwhile, conservative groups grew even more vocal in pressuring
House and Senate Republicans to refuse to budge from tea party demands
to defund "Obamacare" as part of any budget deal.
Eventually, House Speaker John Boehner broke with the right flank and
endorsed the bipartisan plan to end the 16-day shutdown and raise the
debt limit. And 87 Republicans in the House and 18 in the Senate
supported it.
The damage to the GOP was severe: a Washington Post-ABC News poll
found that 63 percent of Americans now have a negative view of the
Republican Party, the worst rating for the GOP in almost three decades.
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Follow and Steve Peoples on Twitter: https://twitter.com/sppeoples and Philip Elliott: http://www.twitter.com/philip_elliott