The
recent vote of House Republicans to cut $40 billion from the food stamp
program reflects a deep-seated and insidious racial resentment toward
Americans of color. This racial resentment rears its ugly head within
the provisions for the bill that demand that non-employed participants
in the program get a job, job training or do community service
activities. Though the bill in its current form will most likely die in
the Senate, the fact that Republicans would even pass it should concern
us.
Conservatives continue to lead under the aegis of a deliberate
and willful ignorance about the long-term existence of a group known as
the
working poor, people who work long hours in low-wage
paying menial labor jobs, and therefore cannot make ends meet. Moreover,
there is a refusal to accept that the economic downturn in 2008 created
conditions of long-term unemployment, such that people simply cannot go
out and “get a job” just because they will it to be so.
I often
wonder if government officials actually talk to real human beings about
these policies, because if they did, they would find many people with a
deep desire to work, but a struggle to find well-paying jobs. Some of
those people would gladly take jobs that pay far less, but are
frequently told that their education and years of work experience make
them over-qualified.
This is not a race-based problem. The
American middle class itself is shrinking dramatically each year in
relation to a poor economy, an insistence on austerity measures from the
right, and a capitulation to these measures on the left. However, the
complete irrationality and utter severity of the legislation, and the
total lack of empathy and identification that inform contemporary
Republican social advocacy is tied to a narrative about lazy black
people and thieving “illegal” brown people.
In 1976, Ronald Reagan
invented the term “welfare queen,” to characterize the actions of
exactly one person in Chicago who had bilked the welfare system out of a
staggering amount of money. Buttressed by an underlying white racial
resentment of the liberal pieces of legislation that emerged during the
Kennedy and Johnson administrations – laws that had attempted to change
conditions, but could not change hearts and minds around racial
inequality issues — white conservatives latched on to a narrative about
lazy African-Americans stealing from taxpayers and living lavish lives
financed by the welfare state.
That narrative has persisted well into
the 21st century when Newt Gingrich derisively referred to Barack Obama
as the “Food Stamp President” in the 2012 elections. Uninterrogated and
misplaced racial resentment has been the most effective strategy for
making white people support draconian social policies in the name of
“taking the country back.” This is true, even though in sheer numbers,
white people are the largest group of recipients of the SNAP program.
Fiscal
conservative politicians (including some Democrats like Bill Clinton)
have presided over a massive and systematic redistribution of wealth
into the 1 percent since the 1980s. For African-Americans this means
that we lost over half of our collective (and meager) net wealth, in
just the last five years, due to predatory lending and the the
machinations of big business. But it is easier to hate and regulate
welfare recipients.
Since everyone knows that welfare queens
finance their lives of luxury through the receipt of food stamps, which
amounts on average to about $135 in groceries each month, cutting the
food stamp program, a move that will take nearly 4 million people off
the rolls in the next 10 years, is not merely a pragmatic measure or a
“necessary evil,” but rather a deeply symbolic act that points to
recalcitrant and entrenched racist attitudes on the right. It turns out,
then, that African-Americans are not the only group of voters whose
political behavior is motivated – at least, in part — by racial
identity.
The Republican Party often capitalizes on these
attitudes about poor African-Americans in moments of economic downturn,
as a way to rally white working- and middle-class American voters. This
is very similar to the strategy used by the Southern Planter class in
the 1850s to curtail alliances between working-class white people and
enslaved African-Americans.
Rather than create a more equitable
system by freeing the enslaved and paying everyone fair wages, the
plantocracy deployed a narrative about white racial superiority that
caused poverty-stricken white people to disavow their own class
interests in service of racial unity. In fact, as David Roediger
outlines in his now classic work “The Wages of Whiteness,” this is one
of the key processes that led to white people in the U.S. becoming a
unified racial group, beyond the ethnic identities (Polish, German,
Irish, etc.) that had previously characterized them. Without benefit of
this historical context, the consistency with which contemporary white
conservatives vote against their own economic interests, in order to
remain beholden to fiscal and social conservatism would appear downright
peculiar.
Beyond the academic implications of these choices, I am
concerned about real people who need access to these services. There
are members of my own family who need public assistance, because they
live in economically depressed areas where job opportunities are few.
There are college students and graduate students whom I teach, who are
supporting themselves through school, and use food stamps so they can
eat each month. And there are countless children, who come from poor
homes in rural and urban areas throughout this country, who need the
security that comes from being able to eat three square meals a day, so
that they can be healthy and perform well in school.
A final note
of caution: In a world with no food security, there will be increased
violence. This is related to a contemporary crisis that we are seeing
among youth. When we scratch our heads wondering why we have seen a
surge of bullying in schools and bullying deaths in response, perhaps we
should admit that we are a nation of bullies. Our children are merely
modeling the logic of a nation that ties its own sense of status,
identity and power to its ability to unrelentingly pick on the “least of
these.” In this American dystopia, the disproportionately black and
brown least of these will be left with no other choice but to fight back
or (destroy themselves and others as they) die trying.
Brittney Cooper is a contributing writer at Salon. Follow her on Twitter at
@professorcrunk.